Good morning to everyone. I'm Avie Ed Yap, the group's researcher. As the group's researcher, I've cited some articles and preferences from today's debate, 'the collapse of peace in Mindanao.'
The first article entitled
The Philippines; the collapse of peace in mindanao. Sources in ICG Originally published OCTOBER 13,2008 According to the International Crisis Group's most recent briefing, the urgent priority now is to prevent further fighting and dissuade the government and local officials from arming civilians. Governments and donors should encourage both sides to maintain existing ceasefire arrangements while quietly advocating a return to negotiations.
The immediate aim is to stop further provocation by discouraging the government and local leaders from arming citizens. Governments and donors should encourage both sides to maintain existing ceasefire arrangements while quietly advocating a return to negotiations. Even if peace appears to be a long way off, they can take actions now to develop or enhance the institutions that a post-conflict Mindanao will necessitate.
When talks broke down over the years, as they frequently did, agreements always resumed where they passed off, in portion because the topics being discussed were not particularly contentious or skeptical details were not spelled out. This time, the collapse, which was followed by a scathing Supreme Court ruling that labeled the MOA as the result of a malevolent and tyrannical process, will be much more difficult to reverse. The Memorandum of Agreement was a unique document designed to serve as a strategic plan for a so-called Comprehensive Compact or final peace agreement. It recognized the Bangsamoro Muslims of Mindanao as a First Nation and paved the way for the establishment of a Bangsamoro Juridical Entity as their homeland. The BJE's relationship with the central government was described as "associative," implying a relationship of near-equals. The definition of ancestral domain, the territory to be included in the BJE, and this were the most litigated aspects of the agreement. When the planned spatial and temporal scope was revealed, horrified politicians, for whom the area will be directly effected and who haven't been consulted during the negotiations, demanded an injunction.
For the second article entitled Conflict analysis of Mindanao Source GSDRC published 31 Dec 2015
The Autonomous Region of Muslim Mindanao (ARMM), which was established in 1989 and is located in the Philippines, is made up of five provinces: Maguindanao, Lanao del Sur, Basilan, Sulu, and Tawi-Tawi. For four decades, there has been a conflict between Moro1 organizations seeking an independent state in Mindanao and the Government of the Philippines (GPH). Following numerous attempts to resolve the conflicts, the Government of the Philippines (GPH) and the Philippines' largest rebel group, the Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF), signed a final peace agreement in 2014, paving the way for the creation of a new Bangsamoro Autonomous Region (BAR) to replace the current ARMM. The execution of the peace deal, on the other hand, has been delayed. The Bangsamoro Basic Law (BBL), which serves as the foundation for the new BAR, has yet to be passed, and it appears. The battle between the GPH and the MILF isn't the only one that the ARMM is dealing with. Rather, Mindanao's conflict is multi-faceted, encompassing a variety of armed organizations, as well as clans, criminal groups, and political elites. While the GPH is working hard to address these problems, the level of violence and discontent in the ARMM is a major impediment to the region's long-term peace. Men and women are affected differently by conflict in the ARMM. In Mindanao, there is a developing amount of literature on gender and war. A number of recent publications have also looked at the role that women can undertake in regional peaceful coexistence and reconciliation.